A main thesis of David Herbert
Donald's 1995 biography, Lincoln, is that Abraham Lincoln
was a man who was controlled by circumstances rather than one
who shaped his own destiny. According to Donald, Lincoln was swept
along by the extraordinary events that swirled around the nation
in the mid 19th century. Many scholars and historians have disagreed
with this premise, but concede that many aspects of Lincoln's
career were at least in part due to the confluence of his ascendancy
in politics at a time of great political and societal change.
This thesis, however, could be very easily and successfully applied
to the life and career of Lincoln's eldest son, Robert Todd Lincoln.
Born in 1843, Robert was destined to live his life in the shadow
of his father's legacy. It was a role he appreciated, but one
that he neither welcomed nor encouraged. And perhaps more importantly,
it was a legacy he did not use to further his own ambitions.
Robert Lincoln did not have the close relationship with his father
that his younger siblings enjoyed. Abraham and Mary Lincoln saw
to it that Robert received a formal education, studying at the
college preparatory department of Illinois State University at
Springfield. In 1859, Robert was sent off to Phillips Exeter Academy
in Exeter, New Hampshire, to study for his entrance exams for
Harvard University. Admitted to Harvard in the fall of 1860, Robert
spent most of the war years in school. Graduating in 1864, he
briefly attended the Harvard Law School before being appointed
to a short stint in the U.S. Army on General Ulysses S. Grant's
staff. As a cumulative result of these responsibilities, Robert
spent precious little time with his family, and had little personal
knowledge of his father's duties and actions as president.
After the death of his father and the ensuing emotional breakdown
of his mother, Robert was thrust into the capacity of the head
of his family. With the help of his father's close friend, David
Davis, Robert saw to the arrangements for his father's burial
and the transition of his family back to private life. Davis,
who served as executor for Abraham Lincoln's estate, remained
a close personal friend of, and a sort of surrogate father to
Robert.
In the role of the provider, Robert did an admirable job. After
vacating the White House, he took his mother and younger brother
Tad and settled in Chicago. In 1867 he was admitted to the bar
and began practicing law in Illinois. The following year he married
Mary Harlan, the daughter of Senator James Harlan of Iowa, and
established his own household.
While he was active in politics and the business community, Robert
never sought to make any political gain through his famous name
and heritage. Being the sole surviving son of the great emancipator,
any political office could have been his for the taking. He did
accept the responsibilities of Secretary of War from 1881-1885
under Presidents Garfield and Arthur, and as U.S. ambassador to
Great Britain under Benjamin Harrison from 1889-1893. Twice, in
1884 and again in 1888, there was strong support to make him the
Republican candidate for President. The Republican Party found
tremendous appeal in the notion of having another Lincoln in the
White House. But Robert rebuffed all attempts to place him in
the presidency, calling it "a gilded prison."
After returning from his duties as ambassador to the Court of
St. James, Lincoln turned his attention to the world of business.
He served as president of the Pullman Palace Car Company from
1901-1911. He amassed a sizable fortune, which allowed him to
build an elaborate summer home in Manchester, Vermont. He and
wife Mary had three children. His only son, Abraham "Jack"
Lincoln II, died in London during Robert's service as U.S. ambassador.
From the very day of his father's assassination, Robert Lincoln
took an intense personal interest in how his father was portrayed
in art, history, and literature. His open hostility toward the
works of William Henry Herndon and Ward Hill Lamon are well documented.
He carefully controlled the "official" biography of
Lincoln written by John G. Nicolay and John Hay. To aid them in
their task, Lincoln gave the two biographers exclusive use of
his father's private papers. In return he was allowed the privilege
to read galley proofs of the book with complete control to censor
anything he found the least bit objectionable.
While always willing to offer advice or answer direct and appropriate
queries about his father, Robert Lincoln had very little to say
publicly on family matters.1 No doubt this was partly due to his
general abhorrence of public life. Intensely private, he avoided
public situations whenever possible. Notable exceptions to this
policy include his appearance at the celebration banquet in Springfield
on February 12, 1909, the centennial of Lincoln's birth, and the
dedication of the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C. in 1922.
However, his appearance at both events was accompanied by an agreement
that he would not be called upon to give any remarks.
One notable exception to Robert Lincoln's reluctance to offer
public comment on his famous father was his appearance on October
7, 1896, at a ceremony commemorating the 38th anniversary of the
Lincoln-Douglas debate at Galesburg, Illinois. On this occasion
not only did Robert attend, but he delivered a short address.
Fortunately, Lincoln's words were recorded, and were published
by Charles T. White.2 Unfortunately, the publication was limited
to 25 copies, so it has not enjoyed a wide circulation. Lincoln's
remarks reveal an optimistic outlook on the future of the American
nation. In it he predicts that the forces of good will prevail
over evil, just as they had done during the crisis of the Civil
War.
When Lincoln dealer Chuck Hand
bought the pamphlet and ephemera holdings of Ralph G. Newman,
he discovered a unique printing of Robert Lincoln's Galesburg
address. Like Charles White's reprint, the manuscript is printed
on one side of the paper. But that is where the similarity ends.
White's reprint was issued in an 8-1/2 inch by 6-1/2 inch format,
and only occupied 4 pages of text. Hand's copy is 10 inches by
6-7/8 inches, and is 9 pages in length, with wide margins. Further,
the print size is considerably larger. To add to the uniqueness
of this imprint, there is one handwritten text correction: on
page seven, the work "and" is inserted into the text.
Unfortunately, as this solitary correction is a single-syllable
three-letter word, it is nearly impossible to detect any handwriting
characteristics.
While there is no proof to support the theory, it has been speculated
that this copy of the address was Robert Lincoln's original manuscript
used in the delivery of the speech. Those familiar with Robert's
handwriting know how difficult it is to decipher. It would be
reasonable to assume that Lincoln would have taken the time and
effort to have his remarks typeset, because it would be easier
to read and/or refer to during delivery. Being uncomfortable with,
and
unaccustomed to, speaking in public,
one may be led to believe that he would want to be as prepared
as possible for the occasion. While these assumptions seem reasonable
and would support the theory that this copy of Robert Lincoln's
address was his actual reading copy, there simply is no provenance
to conclusively state this is so. Ralph Newman was a personal
friend to Robert Todd Lincoln Beckwith, Robert T. Lincoln's last
surviving direct lineal heir, and could have acquired the manuscript
directly from the Lincoln family. Newman also purchased several
significant Lincoln collections over the years, a large part of
which constituted the archive of material purchased by Chuck Hand.
It is conceivable that the manuscript came from one of those collections.
Unfortunately, unless new information can be obtained about the
manuscript, we may never know whether it is Robert Lincoln's own
reading copy.
Despite his reluctance to make public appearances and statements,
Robert was keenly aware that he was under a certain amount
of obligation to act as the sole
surviving member of a very famous and widely admired family. Young
people who expressed an interest in his father particularly touched
him. By all appearances, he seemed anxious to please those who
sought his assistance.
In February 1894, The Century
Magazine printed an article by John G. Nicolay, titled "Lincoln's
Gettysburg Address," which examined the various known versions
of the famous oration. Included in the article was a line by line
comparison of the different versions and facsimiles of the speech
in Lincoln's hand. The De Vinne Press reprinted the article as
a pamphlet.3 Robert thought so highly of the essay that he had
copies specially bound in boards for presentation. One such copy
was sent to a young lady from Hartford, Connecticut, by the name
of Elizabeth Whittlelsey.
Miss Whittlelsey had apparently written Robert Lincoln in 1909,
asking if he had an autograph of his father that she could have.
Having none that he could spare, and yet wanting to offer something
to his young correspondent, he sent her a presentation copy of
Nicolay's Gettysburg Address article.4 No doubt owing to his notoriously
poor handwriting, Lincoln had an employee or personal assistant
inscribe the book for him. Miss. Whittlelsey must have treasured
Robert Lincoln's autograph as well, as she preserved his letter
to her by attaching the envelope inside the front board.
The book serves as a small reminder
of a man who deprecated the spotlight that his heritage forced
upon him, and yet recognized his obligation to foster a better
understanding of his noble father.