| How
it all began... More
than 250 years ago a ship set sail from a port in Rotterdam in the Netherlands
for a long journey across the Atlantic Ocean. On board were 563 men, women and
children. It
is almost romantic to think that our ancestors hopped on a boat and sailed into
the sunset to realize their dreams of a new start in a new world. In reality the
voyage was long, uncomfortable and incredibly dangerous. A good crossing could
take eight or nine weeks, but crossings of six or seven months were by no means
unknown. Often times food would rot or become infested and water turn brackish.
Personal hygiene was non-existent and lice and disease ran rampant. Trans-Atlantic
voyages were tough on experienced mariners and you can only imagine how hard it
must have been on these men, women and children making their first voyage. These
were people who had likely never even seen the ocean before, putting their lives
on the line to pursue their dreams in America. This
particular ship was called the "Dragon"; her master was a captain by
the name of Georg Spencer. We do not know a lot about the ship, other than it
must have been quite large in order to carry so many passengers. It was a common
practice of the day to use these tall ships to take loads of tobacco and other
products from the colonies across the ocean to Europe. Rather than return empty,
these cargo ships were often loaded with people for the trip back to America.
If this were the case, the "Dragon" would have few if any accommodations
for the immigrants. The kids must have been out of control! It seems improbable
that they would be allowed much "carry on baggage" so these families
were leaving everything behind only to arrive in a strange new world with little
more than the clothes on their backs. Finally,
after weeks of staring at nothing but endless sea, land came into view. One can
only imagine how excited the families must have been. They made it! In late September
1749 the "Dragon" eased up the Delaware River and into the port of Philadelphia
and off stepped a man by the name of Bastian Freithrick. Bastian's
descendants would later call him Sebastian Frederick. The change of his surname
is not as significant as the change in his first name. Calling Bastian "Sebastian"
was a common Americanization of the name, however, it would eventually lead to
a lot of confusion between Bastian Frederick and his son Sebastian Frederick (born
about 1754). The fact of the matter is that in all the known official records
and accounts from the 18th century the elder Frederick is always listed as "Bastian",
"Bostian", or "Boston" but never "Sebastian". It
was not until after his death that Bastian Frederick's descendants started referring
to him as Sebastian. This discrepancy goes to the root of a lot of misinformation
that has been perpetuated about the Fredericks. To that end, and for the sake
of accuracy, the elder Frederick will be referenced to as "Bastian"
and his son by the name of "Sebastian". Bastian
may have been from Germany or Switzerland, exactly where and when he was born,
is lost to history. His first son was born around 1749, and one of his daughters
may have been born even earlier than that. Some sources list his year of birth
as 1732, but that would mean he was having children and traveling to America with
his family while in his mid-teens. That is possible, but unlikely. Bastian was
probably born sometime in the 1720s. Since ship passenger lists of the time normally
only listed men over the age of 16, there is no way of knowing exactly how many
other family members may have been traveling with him. There is evidence that
might suggest that Bastian made the trip with a large group of Fredericks. The
passengers on the "Dragon" were processed on September 26th. The very
next day passengers from the ship the "Isaac" were processed. The "Isaac"
had the same port of origin as the "Dragon" and made a similar voyage
(the "Dragon" made a stop at Deal, England before setting out across
the Atlantic, while the "Isaac" stopped in Cowes). It is possible that
the two ships departed Rotterdam about the same time, and may have sailed across
the ocean together. It is also possible that they arrived in America on the same
day, but the passengers were processed a day apart. The registry of passengers
on the "Isaac" includes the name Johann Frieterick. It is possible,
but not yet proven, that Bastian and Johann were related. Because a transatlantic
voyage was so dangerous, it was not uncommon for members of the same family to
travel on different ships just in case tragedy should strike. Bastian
Frederick was married to a woman named Mary. Her maiden name, her date of birth,
the date and location of their marriage is not known. We can assume that they
were together before their arrival in the colonies. We can be sure of her name
from two separate petitions to congress that she would sign decades later. There
is a great deal of speculation and discrepancy regarding just how many children
Bastian and Mary had, their names and their birth dates.
Peter is assumed to be the oldest son because he was given the task of handling
his father's estate. He is also the first son to make land claims along with his
father in 1770. If he was at least 21 at the time then his date of birth might
have been around 1749. The Daughters of the American Revolution index of patriots
from Pennsylvania lists a Peter Frederick born on January 10, 1750. If that is
true, then Mary Frederick was five or six months pregnant when she and Bastian
made the trip to America. The DAR register places his date of death as September
25, 1814 and lists his wife as Margaretha. Lewis
is assumed to be the second eldest son as he is the second Frederick boy to make
a land claim in 1772. Following the same line of reasoning used with Peter, it
is possible that he was born around 1751. He married a woman by the name of Elizabeth.
This is the line of the Frederick family that Bryce Moore is associated with. Sebastian
is believed to be the third oldest son as it is later that he gets married and
starts making land claims of his own. Some sources list 1763 as his date of birth,
however, all the evidence points to the fact that this is incorrect. We know he
was married in 1778 and it is highly unlikely that he was married at age 15. In
1775 he is already listed as a caretaker of a road so it is possible that he might
have been born around 1754. We
can be certain of those three sons, however, some sources maintain that Bastian
actually had six boys. If that is the case then the following three may be the
best candidates to fill that role.
Frederick Frederick is listed on a 1783 census; however, this is the only reference
to him in Indiana. Back in Beaver County, Pennsylvania a John Frederick's name
appears on a deed. It may very well be that Frederick and John are one in the
same and his name was actually Johan Frederick Frederick. It may be a situation
where he made the trip to Indiana, but did not stay and returned to Pennsylvania.
George Frederick's name appears in Indiana much later than the others. There is
little to connect him to the family other than his name and a very interesting
entry in his will. In that document he lists his horses by name. One of his horses
was named "Dragon," the same name as the ship Bastian took to America.
Coincidence? David
Frederick's name appears on a deed when Sebastian sells some of his land in Indiana
in 1784. David would have had to have been of age to sign the document, and to
be an adult at that time would make him too old to be anyone else's son other
than Bastian. Another
name that comes up for one of Bastian's sons is Daniel, however, there is no documentation
to back up this contention. Mary
is an important daughter because she stays close to her parents for most of their
lives, and her second marriage to a man named John Conger launched a line of ancestors
that includes James Robling. It is the stories that she shared with her grandchildren,
first hand accounts of the struggles of living on the frontier, that make these
early years come alive. Anna
Catherine may be the most intriguing of the known children. Some records indicate
that she was born around 1754, and that number is likely derived from the theory
that she married John Small in approximately 1775 (and that date may be way off).
A Small family entry submitted to the Latter Day Saints more than fifty years
ago states that John Small married Anna Catherine - "from Switzerland."
If this were the case then she would have had to of been born before the Fredericks
arrived in 1749. The LDS entry was made in 1943, and if the unnamed source was
older or elderly, then they may have been born around the turn of the century,
and might have had the story passed along to them from a parent, or grandparent
who was likely born in the early 1800s; not that far removed from Anna Catherine.
There are at least three applications to the DAR by women, who are all related
on the Small side, claiming that Anna Catherine was from Switzerland. One of these
women would have been old enough to be Anna Catherine's granddaughter. All of
this is speculation, but some credence must be given to the Switzerland connection,
as it is one of the few facts that the Small family seems to know about Anna Catherine
other than her name. Everyone
has always assumed that the Fredericks were from Germany because the information
on the passenger aboard the "Dragon" states that most of the passengers
were from the Palatinate and Zweibrucken (Zweybreckt?) area in the Rhine River
valley of southwest Germany, which is very close to Switzerland. The record does
state "most" but does not claim "all" the passengers were
from Germany. No evidence has been established placing these Fredericks in Germany
before making the trip to America. Since the Swiss speak German it is easy to
understand why this connection was made. Regardless, the Frederick's country of
origin is something that is worth more research. Why
were the Fredericks listed as Freithrick and Frieterick in the ship registries?
Many officials were not good or consistent spellers, and many immigrants could
not spell their own names. Foreign accents were often misunderstood, as phonetic
spelling of names was common. As a result the spelling of names is often inconsistent.
In 1749
Philadelphia was the place to be. It was the second largest city in the new world,
probably the most impressive settlement in its diversity and design. It was a
thriving metropolis of about 40,000 residents and the gateway for many immigrants
to the colonies. Streets were laid out in a well-organized grid with roadways
twice as wide as most other cities. Most importantly to immigrants, there was
plenty of work for everyone. While
the first Germans had arrived decades earlier, the Fredericks were on the first
wave of a sudden flood of German speaking immigrants to the colonies. In the five
years from 1749 to 1754 some 90,000 Germans made the trip across the ocean. Germans
thrived in their new home, despite being one of the few groups of immigrants that
did not speak English. Upon
arriving in Philadelphia the male immigrants took an Oath of Abjuration to the
King of Great Britain, as was required by the Provincial Council of Pennsylvania.
Most Germans gravitated to the suburb of Germantown where many families settled
or stayed just long enough to save up some money and head off into the wilderness.
Many of the new settlers, including Bastian Frederick, were farmers so it is likely
they headed out to stake their claim and start their new farm, and new life as
quickly as possible. There is evidence that suggests, but nothing that confirms
Bastian Frederick was ever in Germantown. Many
of the German settlers were members of the Dunker and Moravian faith. These Dunkers,
or German Baptists, practiced a strict faith based on total allegiance to God.
They were called Dunkers because they celebrated the rite of baptism by dunking
a person face first in the water three times for the Holy Trinity. They sought
to worship without interference from the outside. Ideally these groups would try
to avoid any involvement with the government including paying fees, taxes or registering
marriages or land claims. They felt that the land was God's and not anyone else's
to own or sell. Many times they would move west into the wilds of the Appalachians
to get as far away from the government as possible. Many
sources relate that Dunkers were generally self-educated, self sufficient, good
farmers and craftsmen. They generally kept to themselves in their own communities.
They were a little different, and they were often targets for discrimination.
In some instances others construed their piety and pacifism as being unpatriotic;
when in their minds their loyalty was to a much higher power than that of the
colony. It is written that if forced, they might serve in the military as a chaplain
or medic; however, it was generally against their beliefs to serve as a soldier.
Regardless, Bastian Frederick and his sons would serve in the military on numerous
occasions in different locations and under various commands. The apparent irony
of this fact might be explained when one considers the events that took place
in the areas where the Fredericks lived. It becomes much clearer in the historical
context that rather than fighting for a cause, they were likely fighting for their
land and fighting for their lives. Robling
suggests that the Fredericks and another family, the Leathermans, came from Germany
about the same time and settled in Germantown, PA. Robling's research into his
own connections to both of these families has uncovered the fact that in the 1740s
and early 1750s some Fredericks and Leathermans left Germantown and went to Frederick
County, Maryland to a Dunker settlement. It is his belief that other members of
these two families, including Bastian Frederick, headed west to the wilderness
of western Pennsylvania. These two families were apparently very close for a very
long time. If our Fredericks were in fact Dunkers we should be thankful for what
little information we have about these early years. It is not difficult to suppose
circumstances in which they could have managed to avoid government contact, and
as a result the recording of their whereabouts and activities all together. There
are at least two theories on exactly where Bastian and Mary went once they left
the Philadelphia area. One story suggests they moved more than 200 miles from
Philadelphia into the heart of the Appalachian Mountains to an area along the
south branch of the Potomac River in Northern Virginia. The location would later
be known as the town of Moorefield, in Hardy County West Virginia. According to
this theory it was from here that the Fredericks and the Catt family would later
move to the area near Fort Pitt Pennsylvania. While
there is no documentation to support this theory, the land west of the Allegheny
Mountains was a vast wilderness claimed by both Pennsylvania and Virginia. So
to say that they left Philadelphia and went to Virginia, at this point in history,
would not be inaccurate. But, on the other hand, you could say with as much conviction
that they never left Pennsylvania at all. The
evidence indicates the Fredericks never went to Hardy County, but went west right
into the area where the Ohio, Allegheny and Monongahela Rivers meet, an area that
would eventually be known as Pittsburgh. From "The History of Beaver County,
Pennsylvania" it is noted that in the 1750's both "a Dunker from Pennsylvania"
and a Moravian came here looking for a place to settle." The book "Settlements
of Western Pennsylvania 1743-1788" writes that Dunkers and pious Germans
were probably the earliest immigrants who came with the intention of making permanent
settlements. Early on Dunkers were living at a settlement along Dunker Creek at
the Cleat River. In
1748 the king granted the Ohio Company 500,000 acres of land west of the Allegheny
Mountains between the Monongahela and the Kanawha Rivers. This land was to be
free of tax for ten years. The Ohio Company was to settle 100 families within
seven years (1755) and build a fort to protect the families. It is possible that
this was the impotence for Bastian moving to this area. This
was the wild west of the time. The only way across the rugged mountains was to
follow small Indian trails, hardly suitable for wagons. As a result, pioneers
could travel with only as much as they could carry or pack on a horse, if they
had one. Settlers were easy prey for Indians, wild animals and other settlers.
Many of these pioneers were paranoid even after they had established settlements
and forts. Take the case of Dr. Thomas Eckerly. For years he and his family lived
in the Dunker Creek area without ever seeing an Indian. On his way home from a
trip to get supplies he stopped in at a fort in the area. When Eckerly told those
at the fort that the Indians had never threatened his family, they threw him into
jail and accused him of being a sympathizer of the savages. After what must have
been some intense pleading, the leaders at the fort allowed him to return home,
but only with a military escort. As it turns out, the time he spent in jail at
the fort saved his life. When Eckerly finally got home they found Indians had
raided the settlement and Eckerly's family had been murdered and scalped. Records
of this time, and even much later, give account after account of murder, thievery
and senseless acts of violence. Being a pioneer was an extremely dangerous proposition.
It is hard to imagine why anyone would put themselves and their families at such
risk. Pioneer
log cabins were often crude structures that were drafty and without windows. Doors
were hung with leather hinges. A massive fireplace in the center provided cooking,
heat and light. Candles were usually too expensive for settlers or more likely
unavailable. Family dogs were trained not to bark unnecessarily in order to avoid
attracting the attention of Indians. These
pioneers had to hunt daily for food. There were no natural sources for salt in
this region, so there was no way of preserving meat. It is written that one bushel
of salt was worth a cow and a half. Settlers would have to make trips to Kentucky
or back east to barter furs for what the field and forest failed to provide. From
accounts of the time it is no mystery why the Fredericks would move to this area.
A 1778 letter cited by Crumrine includes, "The land consists of rich intravals
and fine farming grounds. The whole country abounds in bear, elks, buffaloe, deer,
turkeys etc." Or as a Colonel Gordon relayed in a journal entry from the
time, "This country may, from a proper knowledge, be affirmed to be the most
healthy, the most pleasant, the most commodious, the most fertile spot on earth
ever known to the European people." Despite
all the hardships, many of our ancestors not only survived but also thrived, living
to ages many of us would be happy to reach today. Consider that in 1789 the life
expectancy for a male born in the more densely populated colonies of Massachusetts
and New Hampshire was just over 34 years. The Fredericks, in many cases, beat
the odds and lived well into their 80s. In
the first half of the 18th century the French controlled the vast regions west
of the Appalachian Mountains. Before there was Fort Pitt, the French had an important
outpost at the site called Fort Duquesne. In 1755 British Major General Edward
Braddock was sent to the area with a large regiment of men and members of the
Virginia Militia to take the fort and run the French out of the region. On July
9th, the French, with the help of Indians, routed Braddock's forces. Braddock
and most of his officers were among the dead. George Washington, who was leading
the Virginia Militia under Braddock, had two horses shot out from underneath him
and rode home with holes in his coat from musket shots. So
where was Bastian Frederick during this turbulent time? There are no records that
Frederick served under Braddock, however, there is a record that he was in this
area as early as two months following the battle. At a court martial on September
2, 1755, in Frederick County, Virginia, delinquents of Wm. Bathal (Bethell), Capt.
Of Foot (foot soldiers) Bastian Frederick (note that his name is listed as Bastian
and not Sebastian) was fined for missing muster. In 1755 Bathal was a Captain
in Frederick County, a vast area of the western Virginia. The record of this court
martial proves Bastian Frederick was in Frederick County in 1755, however it does
not prove that he served in the militia. Without further evidence, you must allow
that his failure to report could mean that he refused to serve. 1755
was a rough year to be in this area. The Delaware Indians started a new campaign
of violence against the settlers. For the next two years the pioneers in this
region dealt with a surge of attacks. In
November 1758 General John Forbes led an army of over 6,000 British and Colonial
soldiers across the mountains to take Fort Duquesne. The French had allowed the
fort to fall into disrepair, and upon seeing Forbes' forces coming one way and
their Indian allies fleeing the other, they decided to burn the structures and
sneak away under the cover of night. Once General Forbes secured the Point, he
renamed Fort Duquesne, Pittsborough in honor of the Prime Minister of England,
William Pitt. Fort Pitt, as it would be known, became one of the largest English
strongholds in North America. Once
again the question might be asked, "Where are the Fredericks?" Clues
might be found in another family in the area at the time by the name of the Deckers.
The Decker family is recorded as living on a settlement near the Cleat River and
Dunkard Creek during this time. In 1758 an Indian raid resulted in the deaths
of some members of the family. One of the Deckers managed to escape and fled to
nearby Fort Redstone for help. Capt. John Gibson led a group of 30 men out of
Fort Pitt to go after the Indians. The surviving members of the Decker family
ended up moving closer to Fort Pitt. While we can not be sure where the Fredericks
are, we do know that for the next 100+ years the Frederick and Decker families
would live close to each other and eventually move west together. We know that
the Fredericks were living in Frederick County at this time; however, no one knows
exactly where. The Fredericks were probably Dunkers, and a Dunker settlement was
near the Deckers. Since these two families moved around together there is the
possibility that the Fredericks were living in the Cleat River area with the Dunkers
and Deckers. Take it one step farther and the Fredericks may have moved closer
to Fort Pitt along with the Deckers. By
1760 there were 200 families living at Fort Pitt. At
this time the Indians got along with the French much better than they did the
British. The French traded with the Indians, and in some cases built them log
homes, even small villages. In 1763, with the French out of the area, Indian raids
against settlers led by the Ottawa Chief Pontiac, increased. Part of the reason
the Indians focused on the English pioneers was that they were made up of mainly
families who farmed and established homesteads and communities. It is possible
that the English settlers were perceived by the Native Americans to be a greater
threat, and easier targets. Pontiac's Rebellion resulted in numerous raids by
settlers on Indian villages and vice versa. In response to the attacks, in 1763
the British ordered all settlers out of the area west of the Appalachians. If
the Fredericks were in this area they were living in a veritable "no man's
land" and could not legally own property. As a result, there is no chance
of any finding any official records of them living there. Records of Bastian's
military service are the only clues we have placing him here at this time. There
is a possibility, though it may be remote, that Frederick may have been fighting
Indians all the while. Henry Bouquet, a Swiss who spoke German, was given charge
over the England's 1st Battalion of the 6th Regiment of Foot, better known at
the Royal Americans. This collection of Pennsylvania Germans fought back the Indians
at the Battle of Bushy Run (August 6, 1763), and built a blockhouse (September
1764) at Fort Pitt that still stands to this day. There is no known list of the
men that served under Bouquet. In
1768 the Treaty at Fort Stanwix, between the Indians and the British reopened
the area west of the Appalachians to settlements and legal claims to the land.
Applications
for land grants provide a good way of nailing down where Bastian Frederick and
his sons were living in the last half of the 18th century. We know that he was
in Frederick County, Virginia in 1755 because he missed muster for the militia.
Exactly where he was living at this time and even up to 1768 is not known. However
we can make some educated guesses. There
was a process, and sometimes it was a faulty process for obtaining property at
this time. If you wanted to buy land you first had to make an application to a
land office for a specific tract. Next, a warrant would be issued by the land
office authorizing you or the appropriate authority to survey the tract. The third
step was to conduct the survey and then give the results back to the land office.
This precise description of the land and its boundaries would include the names
of the neighbors who owned adjoining tracts. The final step took place six months
after the survey when the settler actually paid for the property. At that time
the settler was issued a patent giving him a clear title to the land. The process
was far from perfect, and often times applicants would complete the first three
steps of the process but never pay for the land. Once you owned the land you had
to pay the taxes. In
1770 District of West Augusta, Virginia court records lists Bastian applying for
a grant of 400 acres on Traverse Creek and Peter asking for 400 acres on Raccoon
Creek. Since Peter is applying for land of his own we might assume that he is
at least 21 years old. If so, that places his birth date in or around 1749, the
same year that Bastian Frederick arrived in the colonies. In 1772 Lewis asks for
400 acres on the Monongahela. In
the Ohio County Court Records, Land Entry 1779-1784 Volume No. 368, Bastian, Peter
and Lewis Frederick each apply for land grants, and each is listed as having certificates
for these parcels. This is the second time they have applied for the property
and it gives us a little better insight as to where everyone may have been living. On
April 23rd (entry 503) Bostian Frederick produced a certificate for 400 acres
of land in Ohio County on the Monongahela River just across the river from Fort
Pitt. The request stated that the land included his settlement made in 1768. It
is possible, even probable, that he had been living there earlier than 1768, however,
remember the British had previously ordered settlers out of the area and did not
allow them back until that year. To claim that he was there any earlier would
be admitting he was living on the land illegally. It
is very likely that Sebastian Frederick lived on this tract and stayed here once
his father moved a little farther from the fort. In other court records Sebastian,
not Bastian, is listed as a caretaker of a road that extended from Peters Creek
north through or very near the Frederick's land to property owned by Jacob Bausman.
In 1775 Bausman, one of the most prominent Germans in the area, operated a ferry
to the fort across the Monongahela. This places his property just across the river
from Fort Pitt. All inhabitants that lived within three miles of the road were
charged with the upkeep of the trail. This means the Frederick land was within
three miles, probably just to the south, of Bausman. There
is a possibility that Bastian's daughter Anna Catherine was also living on or
very near the same tract of land claimed by her father. A 1772 list of the 79
inhabitants of the Pitt Township that includes Bausman's land and most likely
Bastian's first claim, does not list any Fredericks. It does include the name
of John Small. Small married Bastian's daughter Anna Catherine, however the date
of their wedding is unknown. What is known is that Small was born in 1747 and
would have been 25 at the time. If Anna Catherine was born in Switzerland, as
the Small family claims, she would have been born prior to 1749 and could have
been about the same age as her husband. A more thorough search of land, tax and
census records in this area could reveal more details. On
April 26th Bastian Frederick submitted a second claim (entry 564) for 400 acres
of land on Traverse Creek to include a settlement made in the year 1770. This
shows Bastian had moved farther away from the fort, probably in the year 1770.
This move coincides with a more peaceful time between the settlers and Indians
so a move away from the fort was not as great of a risk. In September of 1775,
in the minutes of the Yohogania County court at Fort Pitt, Bastian is given charge
over the upkeep of the road from the Saw Mill Run to Fort Pitt. Mr. Robling believes
Saw Mill Run would eventually be called Perry's Mill Run and was located across
the river from Traverse Creek where Frederick lived. This road ran directly to
Fort Pitt and may have been the main if not only road from these settlements to
the fort. Additional confirmation comes from the Virginia Court Records of Deeds
for West Augusta, Virginia for February 23, 1775. It is here that a deed describes
land "lying on the waters of Traverse Creek joining Bostian Frederick." On
April 25th Peter Frederick, Bastian's eldest son, submitted a claim (entry 449)
for 400 acres of land on Raccoon Creek where he had established a settlement in
1772. Traverse Creek flows into Raccoon Creek so it is very likely that Peter's
land bordered, or at least was very close to Bastian's second settlement. Lewis
Frederick submitted his claim (entry 568) for 400 acres of land on the Monongahela
River to include his 1772 settlement. There are no more details provided for us
to know if this property was anywhere near his father's original claim. As
if things were not confusing enough, the Fredericks and others would find themselves
caught in the middle of Dunmore's War with the Indians and a critical border battle
between Virginia and Pennsylvania. All of this complicated their requests for
land. The 1770s and the historic events that ensued would set the course for the
rest of Bastian Frederick's life, and have a direct impact on his descendents.
His military service and the decisions he makes during these trying times tell
us a lot about the man. One
of the biggest problems facing the Fredericks and others was the confusion over
where they lived. With two colonies claiming the region, settlers loyal to Pennsylvania
were at the throats of their neighbors, settlers who pledged their allegiance
to Virginia. On
April 3, 1769 William Penn opened a land office, accepting 3,200 applications
for claims the very first day. Five pounds sterling could buy you 100 acres, while
one penny would get you one acre. The area saw a boom in population growth between
1770 and 1775. Some of the Pennsylvania claims were undoubtedly for land west
of the Monongahela where Virginia settlers, including the Fredericks, had already
established a stronghold. Virginia had already offered land for 1/14 the price
of Pennsylvania. This all resulted in a number of conflicting claims over large
tracts of land in an area far removed from the central governments of the two
colonies. Imagine what it must have been like for a Pennsylvania settler to make
the dangerous journey over the mountains only to arrive and find someone living
on the land he or she had just purchased, or vice versa. There
is an interesting account in the family history of George Tombaugh that describes
an incident when the land he had settled on came into dispute. Apparently the
other parties that wanted the land decided to play off the "rather superstitious
nature" of many of the Germans and decided to stage a ghost scene. At night
they surrounded the house with whirligigs. However, during a lull in their ghostly
music and moans they heard the click of a rising flintlock hammer, and the "ghosts"
made a run for it and were never heard from again. Making
matters worse, on October 10, 1772 the British abandoned Fort Pitt, selling the
garrison to Alexander Ross and William Thompson for fifty pounds. The region was
left without any sort of military protection or the deterring effect of having
soldiers at the site. Virginia
was not about to back down from the Pennsylvania land rush. In 1773, John Murray
the fourth Earl of Dunmore became the Governor of Virginia and traveled to Fort
Pitt where he met Dr. John Connolly. Lord Dunmore, as Murray would be known, left
it to Connolly to use whatever means necessary to extend Virginia's influence
over the three-river area. To that end, on January 1, 1774 Connolly raised a militia.
Eighty men showed up at Fort Pitt, shared a barrel of rum and declared their allegiance
to the Virginia colony. Pennsylvania authorities were shocked and angered by the
move. But, as had become their custom, they offered no resistance and instead
wrote letters complaining about developments. What
followed was a campaign by Connolly and his posse of bodyguards of stirring up
trouble, arresting Pennsylvania authorities and harassing Pennsylvania settlers.
In letters back to Philadelphia, the Pennsylvania magistrates wrote that Connolly's
men were "composed of armed men without character or fortune." If you
complained about Connolly's action you were thrown in jail. Connolly went as far
as to change the name of Fort Pitt to Fort Dunmore. The
situation nearly hit a boiling point when attention was suddenly diverted from
the border battle to an all out war with the Indians. In 1773 three Indians, who
were well known and friendly to the settlers, were senselessly murdered. The local
tribes were outraged over the incident and vowed revenge. Needless to say, the
settlers stopped worrying about their land and started fearing for their lives.
On April
30, 1774 the Indians struck hard, and the Virginia militia fought back sparking
Lord Dunmore's War. The battles that ensued sent settlers fleeing for safety.
Valentine Crawford, George Washington's agent was living on Jacob's Creek at the
time. He wrote in a letter back to Washington on May 6, 1774 that, "This
alarm has caused the people to move from over the Monongahela, off Chartier's
and Raccoon creeks as fast as you ever saw them." Remember some of the Fredericks
were living along Raccoon Creek. A letter from the about the same time reported
that just the rumor of approaching Indians would send settlers into a panic. The
Fredericks and their friends were called to service to fight the Indians. Bockstruck
writes on page 148 of his "Virginia's Colonial Soldiers" that in the
"fall of 1774 Bosham Frederick & his future son-in-law John Conger both
served under Major John Connelly. In
October 1774, Gwathmey writes in his "Historical Register of Virginia and
the Revolution" that he presumes Bastian Frederick took part in a battle
against the Shawnee Indians at Point Pleasant. This was the decisive battle in
which the Virginians defeated the Indians under the command of Chief Cornstalk.
Virginia
state archives show Bastian Frederick was compensated, or at least made claims
for compensation, for supplies he provided for the war effort. In a listing of
public service claims from West Augusta begun 12th September and ending 7th October
1775, and held at Fort Dunmore, Bastian Frederick is listed as being compensated
on September 20, 1775 for supplying rye. This proves he was a farmer. Two days
later Boston Frederick is listed as making another claim for unspecified provisions. The
long list of residents seeking payment for contributions includes some familiar
names such as the Leathermans and Catts. Abraham and John Decker appear on September
14th to be paid for supplying cattle. On September 20th Michael Catt makes a claim
for wagonage, proving the Catts were in the area in 1775. And
finally, on September 22nd when Bastian Frederick is making his second claim for
provisions, another man by the name of George Rogers Clark is on hand making a
claim for supplying corn. Clark must have been well known by those keeping records
that day because he is the only entry that has his full name listed, rather than
just his first and last name. Clark would later gain fame for defeating British
forces in Vincennes, Indiana. This is an indication that Bastian Frederick likely
knew Clark before the Fredericks and other families moved to the Indiana territory. In
1775 Gwathmey writes that Bastian Frederick went to Fort Pitt to collect back
pay for his service in the Virginia Militia. No details are provided so this could
be just another reference to the compensation hearing from above. The
war would last for three months, and would be the final time that colonists would
take up arms for the King. Dunmore's War was fought entirely by Virginia; Pennsylvania
did not have a militia in the area. The war strengthened Virginia's claim to the
region and won over many settlers who felt Pennsylvania was taxing them without
offering any protection. At
the conclusion of the war attention returned to the battle over the border. Each
state was so determined to keep its claim that there were two sets of laws, courts,
magistrates, officers, assessors and commissioners over the same area. It is written
that had it not been for the common enemy of the Indians, and then six months
later the British in the Revolutionary War, that the border battle would have
most certainly ended in bloodshed. The Fredericks were right in the thick of it. On
July 25, 1775, the colonists received a letter from the Pennsylvania and Virginia
and delegates in Washington asking them to set aside the border dispute and join
the fight for independence. The letter was signed by, among others, future presidents
Thomas Jefferson and Benjamin Harrison, along with Patrick Henry and Benjamin
Franklin. Bastian Frederick and his sons answered the call to fight the British,
more on that later. All
of this paints a much clearer picture of Bastian Frederick, John Conger and the
other settlers who would stick together for years to come. With the border controversy
no one could possibly feel safe about his land claims. As pioneer farmers they
would have invested years of their lives clearing the land and preparing it to
take crops, and yet they could lose it all at the swipe of a quill. They found
themselves in a situation where Pennsylvania was charging more for land, levying
higher taxes and offering less protection from the Indians. Virginia, on the other
hand, seemed to have its act together. Instead of writing letters complaining
about the Indians, the Virginians took action. If a settler wanted to keep his
land he would be wise to align himself with John Connolly and the Virginia authorities.
There is little doubt that this is what prompted Bastian Frederick to serve under
Connolly and supply provisions to the war effort. You would have had to be a fool
to show loyalty to anyone other than Lord Dunmore if you really wanted to stay. With
the arrival of the American Revolution Connolly took off for Boston to join the
British in fighting the Americans. In 1775 Fort Dunmore was switched back to the
name of Fort Pitt. While the war raged back east, the settlers in the three rivers
area had their hands full with the Indians. In the winter of 1776 a concerned
official in Williamsburg wrote the settlers "unless your people wisely improve
this winter you may probably be destroyed. Prepare then to make resistance while
you have time." 1777 would go down in history as one of the worst years for
Indian attacks. The British had started a campaign of supplying Indians with weapons
and provisions and offered them a bounty for American scalps. The goal was to
split the American forces between fighting the Red Coats and the red man. In
1779 land offices were once again established forcing Bastian Frederick and settlers
-- who had been living on their land for more than 20 years -- to reapply for
the rights to their claims. The border dispute was finally settled on August 28,
1780, however it would be several more years before the two colonies would reach
an agreement over how the property disputes would be settled. Bastian Frederick,
a man who had fought for Virginia, now found himself living in Pennsylvania and
subject to that state's laws and more importantly its land records. There
is no doubt that the Fredericks served in the American Revolution. Pennsylvania
Archives, Third Series, Vol. XXIII, Pages 198-220 lists Boston, Peter and Sebastian
Frederick as members of Stockley's Rangers of the Washington County Rangers on
the Frontier 1778-1783. According to the Pennsylvania State Archives Rangers were
soldiers that served long periods of time on the frontier protecting against Indian
attacks. 1783 is important, as after November of that year a soldier's service
was no longer considered to be part of the Revolutionary War. There
are at least two other mentions for Bastian Frederick in the Pennsylvania Archives
(PA Archives S. 2, Vol. 17 and S. 3 Vol. 23). These two mentions could have been
pay vouchers, or some other trivial mention. Indians
captured some of Stockley's Rangers in November 1782, and did not release them
until January 6, 1783. There is no mention that the Fredericks were ever taken
captive by Indians. We can be certain that Bastian's son Sebastian was never captured.
If the younger Frederick had been, it most certainly would have been a defining
moment of his military career. There is no mention of any such incident when Sebastian's
widow applied for a pension years later. Stockley's Rangers are also named as
the group that participated in the massacre of Moravian Indians at Gnaddenhutten
on March 8, 1782. The militia herded Indian men, women and children who had been
converted to Christianity by Moravian missionaries into a church and bludgeoned
them to death. There is no record of any of the Fredericks participating in this
attack. What's
in a name? The
big mistake that has been made in researching the Revolutionary War service of
Bastian and his son Sebastian has been a result of confusion over their names.
Consider that it is only after his death that the Frederick family starts referring
to Bastian as Sebastian and his son as Sebastian, Jr. Consider that in every 18th
century record the elder Frederick is always listed as Bastian, Bostian or Boston
and the son as Sebastian. He
was called Bastian Frederick in 1785 in regard to the settlements in Indiana.
His own daughter was still calling him Bostian in 1820, more than thirty years
after his death. As
a result of the confusion, when 20th century descendants have inquired about the
elder Frederick's service in the Revolutionary War they have mistakenly asked
for information on Sebastian Frederick when they should have been asking about
Bastian Frederick. When you consider you are searching 18th century records it
is obvious that the discrepancy is critical. See
for yourself. A
document dated August 9, 1967 from the Pennsylvania Historical and Museum Commission,
Bureau of Archives and History states the following: "This
is to certify that one Sebastian Fredrick was enrolled sometime during the period
1780-1783 as a Sergeant, Captain Samuel Cunningham's First Company, Second Battalion,
Washington County Militia, according to evidence of an undated Company Return.
Signed William H. Work, Chief Division of Archives & Manuscripts. Residence
ascribed: Peters Township." Another
document from the same state office confirms Sebastian Frederick's service under
Cunningham, specifically in the summer of 1782. A letter dated May 21, 1969 states: "This
is to certify that, under the Militia Loan of 1 April 1784, a certificate of public
debt, Number 2026, in the amount of £5.12.0, was issued in the name of Sebastian
Frederick for a tour of active duty in the Washington County Militia, which he
performed as a member of Captain Samuel Cuningham's Company during the period
June 22 -July 23, 1782. Signed William H. Work, Chief Division of Archives &
Manuscripts. Authority: Interest Register Volume A, page 68 Militia Loans of 1784
and 1785, "Public Debt," Records of the Comptroller General, at the
Division of Archives and Manuscripts. Both
of these documents have in the past been cited as proof that the elder Frederick
served in the Revolutionary War, however they could not be more wrong. These documents
are clearly referring to "Sebastian Frederick" and in records from the
1700s "Sebastian Frederick" was the son not the father. Bastian
Frederick and his sons were not anywhere near Pennsylvania at this time. They
were in the Indiana territory, showing up in a 1783 head count in Vincennes. Missing
from the list is Sebastian. That is because he and his wife, Anna Maria Catt (b.
about 1757), were living on land they owned seven miles up river on the banks
of the Monongahela River at the site of what would eventually become Homestead,
Pennsylvania. While her name was Anna she went by Mary and signed her name as
such on court documents in later years.
Sebastian and Mary were married
at Fort Pitt in 1778. It is likely that they were living on land from Bastian's
original claim along the Monongahela, but moved on when the Frederick's failed
to get the titles to the property. Sebastian and his wife relocated up the Monongahela
several miles to where land was available. They are recognized as being the first
settlers in Mifflin Township, settling in an area that would later become Homestead,
Pennsylvania. Historical records for this area show that they settled on land
that was just up river from his in-laws, the Catts, who had established homesteads
eight miles below the mouth of the Cleat (Cheat) River on the Monongahela. It
was about this time, on January 27, 1783, that Sebastian and Mary's third child,
Philip, was born. The Reverend Johann Wilhelm Weber baptized the couple's first
son on July 20, 1783. Sebastian
likely stayed waiting to be paid for his military service. Soldier's pay was often
delayed for long periods of time, especially on the frontier. Many militia members
returned home with no money, and only a slip of paper signed by a commanding officer.
Under the act of April 1, 1784 (the same date as the record mentioned above) Pennsylvania
compensated militiamen for their active service with certificates of the funded
or militia debt. These bonds were eventually redeemed at face value once they
matured. Many soldiers, desperate for money, sold their certificates at a steep
discount. In
May of 1784 records show that Sebastian Frederick sold his land and "conveyed
the tract to Matthew Hay." It seems Hay had money problems, so Sheriff David
Williamson deeded the tract to Alexander Lowry. A 1788 map of Mifflin Township
clearly shows the Frederick and then Lowery claim to the land. All the records
list his name as Sebastian, not Bastian. It appears that Sebastian Frederick was
the first of Bastian's sons to legally own land in America, as he is the first
and only one of the Frederick men on record as selling his property in this area. While
Sebastian stayed behind, he did not stay long. The collection of his money for
serving in the militia in April 1784 and then the sale of his land the very next
month seems to indicate that Sebastian was pulling up stakes and moving on, most
likely to Indiana. We know that Sebastian and Mary were in the Fort Pitt area
up until May 16, 1784. On this date they served as sponsors at the baptism of
Bastian Katz, the two-month-old son of Phillip and Magthalena Katz (Catt). The
record of this baptism comes from German Church Records of Westmoreland County,
PA: 1771-1791. The church records actually lists Sebastian's name as Bastian and
Anna Maria's name as Maria. We know that this is about the time that Sebastian
Frederick and the Catts, his in-laws, and several other families left for Indiana.
In addition
to the previously mentioned records from the State of Pennsylvania, evidence that
Sebastian Frederick served in the Revolutionary War comes from his wife Mary's
application for a widow's pension. Her husband had died on October 9, 1827 in
Pike County, Indiana. On February 15, 1839, 82 year old Mary (Catt) Frederick
appeared before Judge James Hillman at the Circuit Court in Indiana. She told
the court that she was the widow of Sebastian Frederick and that he deserved a
pension as provided by an act of congress on July 4, 1836. Mary
Frederick said that her husband was a private in Captain Minter's militia in Pennsylvania
and volunteered as a spy. She testified Sebastian entered the service at age 19,
though that she did not know the exact dates of his service. She claimed that
her husband served in a number of campaigns including helping to build Logstown
under the command of General Gibson. She claimed that he served no less than two
years during the war. Mary
got the support of her brother, 89-year-old Phillip "Scratch" Catt.
He was already receiving a pension of $40 per year for his service in the war.
On February 16, 1839 he testified that his brother-in-law was with him during
a campaign against the Indians under General McIntosh. He claimed, though his
memory was a little foggy, that Sebastian was a private under Captain Morgan and
Col. Gibson. Catt also stated that he and Sebastian served as privates under Captain
Jacob Tevebaugh. Colonel
Gibson (Gibson County, IN would later be named for him) took over control of the
Seventh Virginia Regiment from Colonel William Crawford (he was later burned at
the stake by Indians). When formed in 1775, the 7th was the first considerable
body of men raised in the Monongahela country for service in the revolution. With
formation of the 7th and later the 13th it was noted as being remarkable that
such a sparse area could produce enough men for two full regiments that could
be placed in the field by 1777. This is not so surprising since, as was mentioned
earlier, the Virginia Militia had already been formed and battletested in Lord
Dunmore's War. On
June 30, 1842 Michael Thorn testified on Frederick's behalf stating that he had
witnessed Sebastian and Anna Maria Catt's wedding. Thorn stated that he recalled
Sebastian serving at Fort Pitt and Redstone prior to 1783. For
three years the elderly Mary Frederick fought to receive the pension she felt
she was due. Despite the evidence and eyewitness accounts, the court denied the
request for a pension on the grounds that Sebastian had not served the required
six months. Mary died without ever receiving a schilling for her husband's service.
Descendents
of Sebastian Frederick feel, with good reason, that the court ruling was an injustice.
However, it is really not that great of a surprise as the entire process of applying
for war pensions was stacked against the families. Pension hearings for Revolutionary
War veterans were not made available until after 1820 some 37 years after the
end of the war. Hearings for widows of veterans were not allowed until the Act
of 1838, a whopping 55 years after the war! In these hearings the testimony of
family members carried little weight, while testimony of independent eyewitnesses
was essential. Can you imagine how difficult this must have been for families
to build a legitimate case, so long after the fact when so many potential witnesses
had either died or become to frail to testify. The system appears to have been
designed so that the veterans, witnesses and their widows would die before the
government would ever have to pay up. If the government did grant a pension, recipients
would be so elderly that payments would only last a short period of time before
they died. There
is also evidence in addition to that presented of Peter Frederick's service in
the war. The Pennsylvania State Archives has a Revolutionary War card for Peter
stating that he served as a private in the Washington County Militia, Certificate
545 and paid £5.5.0. The source for this information comes from Public Debt
Records of the Comptroller General, Militia Loan of April 1, 1784 and March 30,
1785, and Register Vol. A, page 17. Then
there is Jacob Frederick. While we do not know how he is connected to the family,
if at all, we do know that he served with Stockley's Rangers. The Friends of Fort
Laurens list Jacob Frederick on their Web site as having served at that outpost
while with the 13th Virginia. Fort Laurens was located near Bolivar, Ohio and
was an important outpost in the march to push back the Indians and boot the British
out of Detroit. Mr. Robling has uncovered pension papers for Jacob Frederick that
indicates he spent time in Germantown, PA before moving to Washington County.
That is a thin thread that could link Bastian back to Germantown if in fact the
two men are related. The
Daughters of the American Revolution list four Revolutionary War patriots from
Pennsylvania named Frederick including Peter (dob 1/10/1750
dod 9/25/1814),
Thomas (dob 2/1751
5/3/1808 m. Anne M. Tibbens), Nicholas (dod 6/27/1824
m. Catherine) and finally Bastian. To be accurate a search also needs to be done
on patriots named Frederick from Virginia. While
we do not know the exact date that Sebastian's father, Bastian Frederick, headed
west, we can narrow it down to a couple of years. We know that Bastian signed
a petition in Pennsylvania in 1781, and we know that he shows up in the Vincennes,
Indiana head count in 1783. There
is no shortage of reasons why he, and a large group of other families, may have
decided to head west to Indiana. The
most likely theory is that they lost the land that they had settled. There are
several accounts that the Fredericks were squatters, living on the land without
ever owning or paying taxes on it. The dispute between Pennsylvania and Virginia
over control of the territory made a mess of everything. Unfortunately for them
they had sided with Virginia during the border controversy, and that had to be
a big strike against them when Pennsylvania authorities considered their claims.
Another problem was that they were asking for land in 400-acre blocks when at
the time land was only being offered 300 acres at a time. The
Fredericks had another problem on their hand in the commanding officer of Fort
Pitt, Colonel Brodhead. The settlers in the area were outraged over the conditions
of martial law that Brodhead had imposed on citizens. It was about this time that
settlers around Fort Pitt decided that they had had enough. In April 1781 they
sent a letter to the President and Supreme executive council of the state of Pennsylvania
saying as much. "All of us have contended for the cause of America, and are
willing to lay down our lives in the field but not to have our Liberty, our property
our lives suspended on the will of a Commanding Officer and a court martial."
Twelve men signed this petition.
The next letter to Pennsylvania's top
brass was more to the point and much more threatening. In this correspondence
the settlers accuse Broadhead and the Assistant to the Deputy quartermaster David
Duncan of exceeding their authority, monopolizing trade, stealing public money
and allowing the fort to crumble.
"Thus with arms in our hands, defending
our natural rights, your petitioners unhappily find themselves under a Tyranny
far more unsupportable than that which they have successfully resisted
"
"There
has been unfortunately implanted in our breasts, doubts, fears, suspicions and
jealoucies (sic) the natural production of Tyranny and despotism."
"Patriotism
will here find Friends and publick (sic) good may depend on being supported with
our lives and fortunes."
410 men including Boston Frederick, his son
Sebastian and his son in law John Small signed the petition. Also on the list
you will find Jacob Twebough (Tevebough), Luck (Luke) Decker and Jacob Bausman.
When you consider the sheer number of women and children represented by the men,
these heads of households, you get a very clear indication of just how unpopular
Colonel Brodhead really was. Brodhead
did not seem to be much happier. In numerous letters back to his commanding officers
in Philadelphia he writes about the terrible conditions. His troops had no food;
no clothes and soldiers were walking away. Brodhead writes of facing the possibility
of taking food by force from nearby residents. He also writes that he fears the
impoverished conditions had made the fort vulnerable to Indians, and British troops
based out of Detroit. Brodhead's
letters give a good picture of the circumstances the Fredericks and other families
were facing. In a July 31, 1779 letter to George Washington Brodhead writes that
so many men, women and children have been attacked that, "The inhabitants
are so intent on going to the Kentuck and Falls of Ohio, I fear I shall have few
volunteers." In
another letter to Washington on March 8, 1780 he writes, "Last Sunday they
(Indians) killed five men at a sugar camp on Raccoon Creek and prisoner three
boys and three girls." Peter Frederick had made a land claim along Raccoon
Creek and Bastian lived nearby. While there is no evidence that the Fredericks
had a sugar camp in Pennsylvania, they were without a doubt tapping trees for
sugar years later. Brodhead
later writes in a 1780 letter that between forty and fifty settlers had been killed
or kidnapped in the months of March and April. By
1781 Fort Pitt was a heap of ruins with Brodhead in command of just 200 ill fed,
poorly equipped and unorganized men. The civil government was in chaos as a result
of the border dispute. The "History of Allegheny County" states, "Hence
there was a restlessness, bordering on insubordination, prevailing in many parts
of the county, and a desire on the part of some to emigrate into the wilderness,
beyond the Ohio and form a new state. In
March of 1781 Washington County was formed, bringing the center of government
and the taxman closer than ever. The population at the time was 23,866. In
October 1781 the Revolutionary War ends. The
settlers finally got their revenge when a power struggle between Brodhead and
Colonel Gibson resulted in Brodhead being placed on trial for extravagant use
or waste of public stores. Western
Pennsylvania and the area around Fort Pitt was a mess. There
is no evidence that the Fredericks were ever granted titles to the land that they
had lived on and farmed for so many years. There is nothing to indicate they ever
paid taxes or sold the property when they departed. It is not clear whether they
were forced to leave, or left on their own. It is clear that losing their land
was the reason why they decided to move on. While
no one can possibly know for certain when they first found out about it, there
is little doubt that the Fredericks had heard a lot about a former French outpost
420 miles away in the southwest territory called Vincennes.
This remote
village was originally a French fort and trading outpost that was taken over by
the British and renamed Fort Sackville. The British troops were forced out, or
maybe a better way to say it is "faked" out, in February 1779 when George
Rogers Clark tricked the English commander into thinking the fort was surrounded
by more than 500 soldiers. In reality Clark was leading a band of 200 men, exhausted
by a frigid march all the way from Cahokia, Illinois. Clark's victories at Vincennes,
Cahokia and Kaskakia removed the British threat from territories west to the Mississippi
River. This was big news back east and most certainly at Fort Pitt where Clark
had spent a considerable amount of time. They
probably heard about it from Bastian's son-in-law, Major John Small (he married
Bastian's Daughter Anna), who was in Vincennes between 1780 and 1782. Letters
in the Draper's Collection, Vol. 14 by Lyman C. Draper list Small's request of
George Rogers Clark in help with dealing with the Indians. John
Conger, a man who served with Bastian Frederick under Major John Connelly in 1774,
was a scout for George Rogers Clark and had made a trip to deliver Clark's seal
to Vincennes. Conger was in the southwestern Indiana community as early as 1778. Exactly
when the Fredericks arrived in Indiana is unclear. A listing of men and boys at
Post Vincennes in 1783 lists Boston and Lewis Frederick. Also listed are Lewis
Frederick, Jr. (Most likely Bastian's grandson, but not Lewis' son) and two boys
named Phillip and Peter Frederick. It is not clear whose children these were.
There is also a man named Frederick Frederick who may or may not be another of
Bastian's sons. Other
sources list a large group of families, including the Fredericks as applying for
land grants in the area in 1784. This is also the year listed in two separate
petitions that were signed by members of the Frederick family. At Mary (Catt)
Frederick's pension hearing, her brother Phillip Catt testified that Sebastian
and Mary had arrived in Indiana in 1784. Yet another source, a listing of members
of the Vincennes Militia, suggests both Sebastian and Lewis as having arrived
in 1785. It
may have been even earlier than that. Consider that the 1860 census lists a Peter
Frederick in Clay Township or Pike County, the area that the Fredericks settled.
This could be Lewis' or Peter's son and Bastian's grandson. The census lists Peter
as having been born in Indiana. If the census is accurate, and often times they
were not, that could place the Fredericks in Indiana by 1781. You could assume
that because of his age Peter Frederick would have been home when the census enumerator
stopped by, and that he would know better than anyone else where he was born.
Contradicting evidence turns up however in an old family bible owned by Emma Traylor
that notes that Lewis' son Peter and his wife Catherine were both born in Virginia. There
is always the possibility that Bastian and other family members may have been
in Vincennes more than once or arrived separately before settling in for good. Exactly
how the Fredericks and other families got to Vincennes is another mystery. They
could have traveled by flatboat down the Ohio River. This was the route George
Rogers Clark had previously used to take some settlers farther west. Another
possibility is that they could have traveled by land. The Tuscarawas Trail, or
the Great Trail as it is sometimes called, was an Indian trace that extended from
western Pennsylvania, near Bastian Frederick's settlement and then into eastern
Ohio. One branch went north toward the Great Lakes, however a southern route extended
into southwest Indiana toward Vincennes. The Fredericks were likely familiar with
the trail. Before the Fredericks left Pennsylvania, several Indian battles occurred
along the trail involving General McIntosh, whom we know Sebastian had served
under. Colonel Bouquet also led many successful campaigns against the Indians
along this trail. The massacre of Moravian Indians by Stockley's Rangers happened
in Gnaddenhutten, which sits right along the trail. Regardless
of whether they traveled by river or by land the trip was extremely treacherous.
Despite numerous treaties recognizing the transition of ownership from the British
to the Americans, the Ohio Indians in the area around what would later be Cincinnati
terrorized settlers passing through the region. Not
everyone in Bastian's family made the trip west. Bastian's daughter Anna Catherine
married John Small (German name Schmahl). The couple had children born in the
1770s and they lived in Beaver County, Pennsylvania. John Small (b. 1747 York
County, PA - d.1819 Beaver County, PA) served as a Major during the American Revolution.
He and his sons (Sebastian and Frederick) owned a considerable amount of land
just west of Traverse Creek, where they lived their entire lives. Another of their
sons, Jacob, makes an appearance in Indiana years later. Among
the early settlers who joined Bastian Frederick in making the trip to the Indiana
territory were his old friend Jonathan Conger, Phillip Catt, George Catt, Mary
(Frederick) Glass, Louis (Lewis) Frederick and Peter Frederick. Mary (Frederick)
Glass was Bastian's daughter and was married to John Glass, a man from New Jersey. In
1778 there were 621 residents in Vincennes. In nine years the population more
than doubled to 1,300 and included approximately 900 French and 400 Americans.
If the Fredericks thought they were leaving property disputes and the
threat of violence from Indians behind in Pennsylvania, they could not have been
more wrong. The word Indiana, after all, means land of Indians. The
Fredericks and other settlers arrived Knox County, in the territory of the United
States northwest of the Ohio at the encouragement of Colonel Jean Marie Phillipe
LeGras, the magistrate in Vincennes. A Frenchman and long time resident in the
community, LeGras told the families that they were welcome to settle on vacant
land wherever they could find it. Vincennes
sat on a large prairie with the nearest wooded areas some two to three miles away.
The area was teeming with Deer, turkeys, and smaller game. Wolves were so numerous
that it was difficult to raise sheep or hogs. Bears were rare, but occasionally
wandered into the settlements. The
original French settlers owned much of the property near the village and fort,
while outside of that the Indians claimed the land. While the Indians were willing
to sell their land if the price was right, they did not take kindly to squatters. In
the late 18th century Vincennes was a community in transition. It thrived as a
French trading post through its connections to New Orleans and cooperation with
the Indians. It had adjusted to life while under British rule thanks to the support
of troops and supplies out of Detroit. When the French residents embraced George
Rogers Clark and American control, they lost the support and trade afforded by
their previous relationships. Vincennes was more isolated and self-reliant than
ever. With
the assurances of LeGras, the Fredericks and other families made arrangements
and paid the customary fees to obtain 400 acres each. Despite their insistence
that they did everything by the book, they were never granted deeds to the land.
The families claimed that they were victims of a corrupt system. They blamed the
negligence of the clerk and the dishonesty of the surveyor who apparently ran
off with their money. There
is evidence that LeGras did not have the best reputation in town. Esqr. Liuet.
Col Commandant Josiah Harmar was sent to Vincennes to keep the peace and in November
1787 wrote to the Secretary of War, "The civil administration has been and
is in great confusion. Many people are displeased with the magistrates." Even
without deeds, the families went to work clearing and improving the property that
they considered to be theirs. For two years they lived and worked the land when
in 1786 they were forced off the property. With no place to go, they moved back
into town. There is evidence that Bastian owned a home in Vincennes. For
two more years the families were forced to rent land from the ancients at a heavy
cost. The families report that during this time they became so indigent that they
were forced to build stations, or camps, out in the wilderness to either hunt
or gather the things they needed to survive. These stations were a risky enterprise
as they were often far removed from the safety of the fort and village on land
that they did not own. Needless to say they were frequent targets of Indians attacks. In
1785 the family established a sugar camp about 16 miles away from the fort. It
was here on March 2, 1787 that Bastian Frederick would meet his fate. The
following is an account of the attack as recalled by Jasper Davidson, grandson
of Mary (Frederick) Conger, and great grandson of Bastian Frederick. Davidson
recalls his grandmother telling him this story. The account is included in the
book "Pioneers of Indiana," by Col. William Cockrum, 1907. None
were more fitted for this task than those who settled the Indiana Territory. Just
before the close of the eighteenth century the few American settlers who were
located near Vincennes were driven to the forts in and around the Old Post as
Vincennes was then called. The writer has with great interest listened many times
to the accounts of those times given by my grandmother. Her father who was named
Sebastian Frederick had come down from Pennsylvania with the very earliest immigrants.
The family consisted of several sons and one daughter, grandmother. She told of
the efforts of the head of families in the endeavors to provide for their own;
of how her father with his sons and another man went about six (teen) miles southeast
into the sugar woods and prepared to make sugar. After everything was in readiness
the season came on, sap flowed in abundance and success seemed to reward their
efforts. When the prowling bands of Indians learned of the location of the camp,
their visits were of daily occurrence and each of the bucks, after eating all
they could of the warm sugar, must have a generous cake or two to carry away with
them. This became so common and proved so heavy a tax on the supply that the men
objected to the amount carried off, and they went away muttering in their own
tongue. In
a few days these men were sent to the fort for provision and to carry in the sugar
already made. They left great-grandfather Frederick in charge of the camp and
to keep the kettles going. Early in the night the savages who had become offended
by reason of not getting all the sugar they wanted, finding grandfather there
alone, attacked him. Evidences next morning when the sons returned from the fort,
showed that a desperate struggle had taken place, as the bodies of two dead Indians
and the body of my great grandfather with a tomahawk sunken in his skull, were
found. The tapping gauge had been driven repeatedly into his body around his neck
and left sticking in the gash as driven in by the murderous wretches. There was
every evidence of a desperate fight and horrible as the results were, there had
been enough of them to sugar off all the syrup on hand and carry away all they
had made, together with grandfather's scalp, gun and all the tools. The
faithful dog, a large mastiff, lying dead near the body of his master, had been
a valiant helper in the fray as long as life lasted. A large piece of buckskin
garment still between his teeth showed by the bloodstains that his work had not
been without results. The savages who could travel made their escape and were
not seen again in these parts as anyone knew of. (Page 163, Paragraph 3) Bastian's
body was taken back to Vincennes for a Christian burial. John Conger, the man
who had served with Frederick fighting Indians back in Pennsylvania and later
married his daughter, built his coffin. In
1788 John Glass the husband of Mary Frederick Glass died. Mary would later marry
Jonathan Conger. According to Col. Cockrum's History of Indiana, both Glass and
Conger had served as professional hunters, providing food for the Fort. Following
her husband's death, Mary Frederick Glass was very nearly killed by an Indian.
She shared her experience with her grandson Jasper Davidson who recalled the story
in the book "Pioneers of Indiana." At the time Mary was a widow with
two young sons and had taken an axe and cart two or three miles away from the
fort to collect firewood. While working she said that she kept hearing a "click
click" sound. Moments later the quiet was shattered with the sound of a gunshot.
An acquaintance from the fort walked up to her, dropped a fresh scalp at her feet
and told her that she had narrowly escaped death. He then led her to the body
of the Indian he had just shot and killed. The Indian was hiding behind a sassafras
stump and had been trying to shoot Mary, but the flintlock on the gun only clicked
and never sparked so the gun did not fire. The man from the fort followed the
clicking sound, saw the Indian and shot him dead. As
had been the in Virginia (Pennsylvania), the Fredericks joined the militia in
Vincennes. A list of militia members for 1790, published in the Vincennes Western
Star in 1859, includes the names Bastian and Lewis. Since the Bastian Frederick
we have been following from Pennsylvania was killed in 1787 this list must be
referring to his son Sebastian. The list also notes that these Fredericks settled
in Knox County in 1785. Service
in the militia resulted in land grants for two of the Frederick boys. Lewis Frederick
is listed as owning land as early as 1790. One account lists Lewis as having 300
acres of land; 243 acres in Pike County and 64 acres in Knox County. On August
1, 1790 Sebastian Frederick and his wife Mary (Catt) received land in Harrison
Township of Knox County for his service as a militiaman. Sebastian's neighbors
were Frederick Lindy to the south, his brother Lewis to the southeast and Phillip
Devore to the north. It is not clear if this is the same property that Sebastian
and his wife are living at in 1796 when they are listed as living in a log home
on Survey 1, located along the old Indian trace from Vincennes to Louisville.
It is at this location in that year that they gave birth to a son they named Daniel,
the ninth of their eleven children. Families
who had so far failed to receive titles to their property never relinquished claims
to their original 400 acres. Once peace was made with the Indians in 1792, the
families moved out of the village and back onto the land that they claimed as
their own. For
more than five years these families lived without deeds and in fear that they
might be forced off the property at any time. In an effort to secure their claims
for good, the families petitioned Congress on two different occasions, first in
August 7, 1797. In their appeal they outlined the promises made and broken, and
all the hardships they endured. The families of the men killed, including Bastian
Frederick's widow Mary, asked to be compensated by the government for their suffering.
Despite
already having land of their own, Lewis and Sebastian Frederick were among 25
people who signed the petition. Their mother Mary also signed the document. In
October 1797 the Honorable Winthrop Sarjants took charge as the Governor and Commander
in Chief in Vincennes. The unhappy settlers took the opportunity to plead their
cases, with some positive results. While the families did receive titles to some
land, they apparently did not receive everything they had expected, hoped for
or deserved. As
a result, the Fredericks and this time 30 others filed a second petition to the
U. S. Congress a few weeks later on December 27, 1797. Once again they outlined
all of the trouble and hardships they had experienced asking again that they be
treated as equals with the other property owners. This petition was signed by
most of the same families who had signed the first appeal. A
third petition may have been sent to the U. S. House of Representatives on March
5, 1798. It
is worth noting that neither one of the petitions sent to Congress mention anything
about being promised land for serving in the Revolutionary War. Had that been
the reason that the Fredericks and other families had made the trip west; there
is little doubt that they would have mentioned such an important fact. We can
conclude that their reason for coming to the Indiana Territory was not to collect
on military donation lands for fighting in the war, but rather to get a fresh
start far away from Pittsburgh. Indiana
was formally organized as a territory on May 7, 1800. Some 1,533 residents were
living in the Vincennes area at the time. With their land claims in Knox County
going no where and their petitions for justice falling on deaf ears, some of the
families packed up for one last move, homesteading land just south of the White
River in areas that would become part of Pike, Gibson and Knox counties. It was
an area that no one had ever lived on before. This time everything fell into place
and these farmers eventually received deeds and paid taxes on the land. There
is no trouble in finding the early property when looking at old land plats for
Clay and Gibson counties. In an 1881 plat map, most of the plots are laid out
with nice and neat property lines that run north to south and east to west. The
grants these first settlers received run diagonally. This is due to the fact that
they were made previous to 1804 and based on the old French surveys that extended
out of Knox County. Lewis
Frederick (Bastian's son) was married to a woman named Elizabeth, and from this
marriage was born at least seven children. Peter
Frederick (b. ca 1781 in PA -- d. after 1860) m. Catherine Lindy 1806 (b. 1790) Sebastian
(Boston) Frederick III (b. ? - d. before 1850) m. Margaret Stork 11/17/1810 Isaac
Frederick (b. ? - d. early 1830s) m. Eliza J. Miner 2/15/1826 Michael C. Frederick
(b. ca 1789 - d. Sept. 1859) m. Mary Lindy 11/29/1818 (d.8/1859) Susanna Frederick
(b. ca 1798 - d. ? ) m. William Wills 7/12/1820 (b. ca 1778) Anna (Anne) Frederick
(b. ca 1805 - d. ?) m. John Small 4/5/1821 Catherine Frederick (b. ? - d. ?)
m. Antoine Queret 7/2/1823 In
1806 the Fredericks are united with the Lindy's, a family that would weave its
way through the family tree for years to come. Two of Lewis and Elizabeth's sons
would marry daughters of Frederick and Catherine Lindy. In 1806 Lewis' firstborn
son (Bastian's grandson) Peter married Frederick and Catherine Lindy's daughter,
who was also named Catherine. Twelve years later Michael Frederick married Mary
Lindy. The
girl's father, Frederick Lindy, is an interesting character because of his service
in the Revolutionary War. Born in Prussia, Germany he came to America as a Hessian,
a German soldier hired by the British to fight against the Americans. Taken captive
during a battle near Charleston, South Carolina, he pledged his allegiance to
the Americans while being held prisoner in a house in the basement of Battery
Row. Lindy served with the Pennsylvania Continental Line and the Pennsylvania
Militia during the Revolutionary War and was mustered out of Fort Pitt. After
settling in Indiana, Frederick Lindy was the man to call if you needed a cabin
built. Peter
(Lewis Frederick's son) and Catherine (Lindy's daughter) would have eight children
including a son named Lindy. As a result, Frederick Lindy's grandson was named
Lindy Frederick. The couple had eight children: Jacob
(b. 5/10/1807 - d. 8/22/1877) m. Mary Reedy 3/22/1832 John (b. - d. ca 1846
or 47) m. Sally Kennedy 2/19/1831 Michael (b. ca. 1814 - d. ) m. Mary M. Gray
8/21/1836 Lindy (b. ca 1816 - d. ) married four times Joseph (b. ca 1823
- d. ) m. Elizabeth Ann Smith 4/16/1843 David (b. ca 1826 - d. ) m. Elizabeth
Decker 9/9/1847 Priscilla (b. ca 1821 - d. ) m. William Gray (d. 7/26/1851)
1/25/1841 Martha Ann (b. ca 1829 - d. ) m. George W. Cox 12/12/1844 On
March 20, 1807 Sebastian Frederick (Bastian's son) sold 100 acres to Antione Querre
(Queret), the husband of Sebastian's niece Catherine (daughter of Lewis Frederick).
Sebastian signed the contract as Bastian Frederick, his wife signed her name by
making her mark (many men and women at the time were illiterate and would sometimes
sign their name by simply making an X or and initial). Luke and John Decker were
witnesses and signed the contract. On
April 24th 1807, Peter Frederick (Bastian's son) got into a bit of trouble for
apparently overstepping his authority by selling some of the property in his father's
estate. In the Court of Common Pleas for the Indiana Territory during the March
term (p.20) it is noted: "Peter
Frederick Adms. of Sebastian Frederick Dec'd presented the accounts of his administration,
which was examined with the vouchers, and it appears by the said acct. that there
is a balance of Adms hands of one hundred and ninety three pound, four shillings
and two pence, ordered that the a/c be file: -- and the Court of opinion that
the Administrator have exceeded his powers in selling a part of the real estate."
In
1808, an outbreak of illnesses in and around Vincennes area is blamed on decaying
grass along the river. The
Fredericks and their neighbors were probably scared out of their wits over a two-month
period beginning in December 1811. A series of five earthquakes measuring at least
8.0 on the Richter scale and centered on the New Madrid fault near the Missouri
boot heel shook and shattered a vast area of the Midwest. These were the most
powerful earthquakes in history to hit the lower 48 states. The quakes and their
aftershocks caused sections of the Mississippi River to temporarily flow backwards,
shot coal veins into the air, toppled cabins as far away as Cincinnati and rang
church bells in New England. Some boats on the Mississippi River were swamped
by huge waves. Others were thrown well onto shore by the surge of water. In
1812 a land office was opened in Vincennes. Sebastian Frederick claims land on
Survey 1, John Conger stakes his claim to Survey 2. While
the Fredericks finally settled in, county lines were moving all around them. In
1815 Gibson County was formed from portions of Knox County. A year later Pike
County was formed from Gibson County. On
December 11, 1815 John Conger died in Pike County at about age 70. Born around
1745 in Woodbridge, Middlesex County, New Jersey he served in Dunmore's War, the
American Revolution, and was a scout for George Rogers Clark. He served in Francis
Vigo's militia in Indiana and fought in the battle of Tippecanoe in 1811 with
future president William Harrison. He was a professional hunter and had good relations
with the Indians. He had married Bastian Frederick's daughter Mary Magdeline Frederick
in approximately 1789. The couple was one of, if not the first to settle in what
would become Pike County. To this day a creek in Clay Township bears his name.
To this union was born eight children: Sebastian Conger (b. 10/1/1790
- d. 9/13/1845) m. Matilda Davidson 10/14/1816 Sebra Ann Conger (b. 3/17/1792
- d. 9/25/1875) m. Sebastian Catt 6/28/1823 Huldah Conger (b. 4/3/1795 - d.
8/31/1843) m. Enoch Wilcox 6/28/1823 Levi Conger (b. about 1789 - d. about
1839) m. Juniah Small 6/15/1827 Elizabeth Conger (b. 1/15/1800 - d. 9/2/1872)
m. Joseph Davidson 2/18/1824 Keturah Conger (b. 1802 - d. after 1850) m. Seth
Evans Matilda Conger (b. 1804 - d. after 1850) m. St. Clair Minor 11/4/1825 Jacob
Conger (b. 3/10/1807 - d. 9/22/1877) m. Mary Reedy 3/22/1832 In
1816 Abraham Lincoln's father moves his family from Kentucky to Gentryville, Indiana,
about 33 miles south of Union. While in the area one of the Lincoln children died
and was buried at a place called High Banks. Abe Lincoln and his family lived
in the area until moving on to Illinois about 15 years later. On
December 11, 1816 Indiana became the 19th state in the union. For the first time
since arriving in America 67 years earlier the Fredericks were finally residents
of a state. They left the Fort Pitt area before Pennsylvania or Virginia declared
statehood. Indiana was just a territory in the wilderness when they arrived in
Vincennes. On
November 29th, 1818, Michael Frederick (Lewis and Elizabeth's son) married Frederick
Lindy's daughter Mary. This was the second of Lewis' sons to marry one of Lindy's
daughters. On
November 21, 1820 Bastian's daughter, who stayed behind in the Fort Pitt area,
Anna Catherine (Frederick) Small "of the state of Pennsylvania - County of
Beaver" signed a letter giving power of attorney to her "trusty friend
and son" Jacob Small so that he might "ask sue and recover sums of money,
goods, wares, deeds, accounts and other demands
which I may have or in
anyway entitled to out of the estate of my father Boston Frederick." It is
worth noting that in this legal document she stated that her father's name was
Boston, not Sebastian. Why would she take this action 33 years after her father's
death? Her move to collect on her inheritance was most likely motivated by the
Panic of 1819, a devastating depression that hit the United States following the
War of 1812. Unemployment mounted, banks failed, mortgages were foreclosed, and
agricultural prices fell by half. In Pennsylvania, land values plunged from $150
an acre in 1815 to $35 in 1819. Peter
Frederick's name can be found on a deed in 1826, however he is missing from the
1830 census, so it is safe to assume that he, the eldest son of Bastian Frederick,
died in his late 70s or early 80s. In
1826 Lewis Frederick (Bastian's son) and his wife Elizabeth transferred 234 acres
of land to their sons Peter and Michael in order to "benefit their heirs
forever." In the transfer papers an elderly Lewis notes that the property
includes land that he and his wife had been living on, and had been given to them
by the United States government. The property is located in the township of North
Range, nine west designated as Plat number 11 on the township plat. The document
is signed with Lewis and Elizabeth's marks and was witnessed by Charles F. White
and Christina Frederick. The transfer is recorded in the Pike Co., IN Book B p.
42-43. Sebastian
Frederick (son of Bastian) died on October 9, 1827 at about age 70. A veteran
of the Revolutionary War, his marriage to Mary Catt provided the first in what
would be a long and strong connection between the two families. Sebastian Frederick
and Mary (Catt) Frederick would have eleven children. This following is taken
from a list reportedly written by Sebastian: Magnelean
(b. 9/12/1779) Elizabeth (b. 5/1/1781) Phillip (b. 2/26/1783 - d. 1822)
m. Lucy Phillips 1810 Susanna (b. 4/17/1785) m. Isaac Knight Barberry (b.
8/3/1787) Rebekky (b. 12/23/1789) Mary (b. 3/14/1791) Mikel (b. 4/24/1794)
m. Mary Claycomb 4/24/1828 Daniel (b. 7/5/1796) m. Ivy Decker, daughter of
Jacob and Peggy (Johnson) Decker Anna (b. 8/5/1799) Sarah (b. 2/20/1802
- d. 5/17/1877) m. Joseph C. Morgan 5/28/1821 Lewis
Frederick, Bastian's second oldest son, died in 1832 or '33 at about the age of
75. In
1832 a cholera epidemic strikes the state of Indiana. Things are so bad that the
governor declares the second Monday in November as a day of fasting and prayer. One
February 15, 1839, as mentioned in detail earlier, Mary (Catt) Frederick, the
widow of Sebastian Frederick Jr., begins the process of applying for a widow's
pension for her husband's service in the Revolutionary War. Three years later
the application is denied. On
November 5, 1846 Mary (Frederick) Conger (Bastian's daughter) dies. There
is no record of when another of Bastian's daughters, Anna Catherine (Frederick)
Small died. She is believed to have died in Ohio, possibly while living with her
daughter. With the information that is available we can conclude that by this
time Bastian Frederick and all of children are deceased. In
1848 Illinois State Representative Abraham Lincoln made a speech in the Deffendol
Grove just south of Union, Indiana. During this time Lincoln was traveling the
country stumping for the Whig presidential candidate and war hero Zachary Taylor.
"Old Rough and Ready" was elected as the 12th president that November.
Lindy
Frederick (son of Peter, grandson of Lewis and great grandson of Bastian) would
end up marrying four times. Lindy first married Eleanor Decker in 1835. His second
marriage was to Berantha Wilson (b. ca 1818) on February 5, 1841. The 1850 census
lists three children Emline (b. ca 1841) Peter (b. ca 1843) and Edward (b. ca
1845). Lindy married a third time to Sarah Catt Clemons on September 9, 1852.
They had two children and in a move that would only make things even more confusing,
they named their son and daughter after themselves. Sarah was born in 1854, Lindy
was born on July 8, 1857. (Lindy, Sr. would marry a fourth time to Ann Roderick
on May 15, 1861 and they had a daughter Catherine, born about 1862.) While
Lindy and his family were in Knox County, another branch of the Frederick family
tree was growing in Pike County. This was the family of Michael Frederick. Michael
and Peter were the two Frederick boys that married the Lindy sisters. Michael
Frederick (b. 1789) and Mary Lindy (b. 1796) were married in 1818. To this union
was born five children. Frederick
Lindy Frederick (b. ca 1824 - d. 1877) m. Mariah Catt Gray Adam Frederick (b.
- d. ) m. Mary "Polly" Smith William L. "Dude" Frederick
(b. - d. ) m. Indiana Frederick Catherine Frederick (b. - d. ) m. Thomas Lee Juliett
Frederick (b. - d. ) m. William Colvin In
the summer of 1859 typhoid fever, a disease caused by contaminated food or drinking
water, claimed the lives of Michael and his wife. Mary, 63, had been sick for
most of the summer, about 60 days before she died in August. Her husband died
on September 1st, after being sick just six days. Upon Michael's death his possessions
were sold at auction. There are very familiar names among the list of those that
attended. A look at the items sold gives a clue to what life must have been like
here in the mid 1800s. There are the tools, plows, hoes and hayforks you would
expect a life long farmer to have. There were household items like a clock, coffee
mill, bureau and bedding. There was also a jar of lard, jugs of blackberries,
a stew pot, tallow and a barrel of salt. There were five head of sheep, 12 geese,
9 turkeys, a cow, steer, sow and pigs and a mare. Among Michael's outstanding
debts was a bill from Dr. Robert W. Phillips. According to his bill, a visit from
the doctor would cost $1, sometimes a $1.50. A visit in the night would cost $2.
Coffins for the couple were purchased from John M. Edwards at a cost of $12 each.
The
couple's firstborn son Frederick Lindy Frederick married Mariah Catt. It was his
first marriage, but her second. She had previously been married to her first cousin
Tecumseh Gray. This marriage produced two children Lenna (Senna) and Susanna.
Susanna Gray married a man by the name of Linkhart and they had a son named Tom
and a daughter Ona. When Ona fell for a man her parents did not approve of, the
family packed up, joined a wagon train west and settled in Grant's Pass, Oregon.
Ona never married. The family stayed in contact with relatives back in Indiana
through frequent letters and postcards. Frederick Lindy Frederick and Mariah
would have two children, James (b. 1854) and Catherine (b. 1856). In 1877 Frederick
Lindy Frederick fell ill with what was called the "black tongue." He
could not speak, and as a result, could not tell anyone where he had buried money
on the family farm. It would be a couple of generations before the money was found.
On
March 11, 1880 Pike County's Catherine Frederick (daughter of Frederick Lindy
Frederick) married Knox County's Lindy Frederick (son of Lindy Frederick, Sr.).
Lindy
(b. 7/8/1857) and Catherine (b. 12/18/1856) were related in more ways than one.
Lindy and Catherine were second cousins because Lindy's grandfather Peter Frederick,
and Catherine's Grandfather Michael Frederick were brothers (sons of Lewis Frederick,
grandsons of Bastian Frederick). They were second cousins again because Lindy's
grandmother, Catherine Lindy, was a sister of Catherine's grandmother Mary Lindy
(daughters of Frederick Lindy, Sr.). They were third cousins along another line
because Lindy's great grandfather was George Catt, and he was the brother of Catherine's
great grandfather Phillip Catt.
Lindy and Catherine would have three children
together. Della (b.1881), Edith Blanche (b.1883) and Carl Travis (b. 1/8/1884).
Lindy and Catherine Frederick managed to do pretty well for themselves.
They lived on a farm for a time before moving into Vincennes probably around the
turn of the century. While living in the city Lindy and Carl worked as operators
on the Vincennes streetcar line. There is a photo of Lindy, Carl and the other
streetcar employees. Carl's daughter has their old logbook they used while working
on the line. While living in Vincennes Lindy and Catherine bought what may have
been the first car in the family. It was a 1912 Studebaker with gas lanterns for
headlights. If this was the first car, then their daughter Edith Blanche may get
credit for the first car wreck. Apparently while tooling down the road with her
boyfriend, she ran the car off the road and crashed into a ditch.
Later
they would move back out to Pike County to farmland that had been handed down
through Catherine's family. They had enough money to buy a steam engine that was
used to thrash the wheat for local farmers, and run a sawmill the rest of the
year. When
he was not working in the fields or sawmill, Lindy led the music at local churches.
Genevieve (Frederick) Moore, his granddaughter, has his old hymnal. He was apparently
a hard worker, very active and loved to ride his bike. He liked his bike so much
that he had his picture taken with it.
Lindy Frederick was a take-charge
kind of guy. Whenever there was trading to be done, Lindy was the one to go to
town. When it came to running the family business, Lindy took charge. Whether
it was Lindy's failure to share or his son's lack of interest, or both, the result
was that Carl was in no position to take over when on March 7, 1914 Lindy, just
56 years old, suddenly dropped dead of a heart attack. The steam engine was sold,
the sawmill shut down and the Fredericks returned to farming.
Of Lindy
and Catherine's three children, Delia married Clifford Moore. Edith Blanche married
Oscar Kays, and then later Downey Selby. Carl married Beth Riggles.
Carl
and Beth Frederick lived on a farm about halfway between Union and Hazelton, Indiana,
not far from the White River bottoms. The home was located near Carl's mother's
home on land that had been passed down through her family.
The couple had
a daughter, which they named Catherine Alice and a daughter Maude who died in
infancy. Whether it was the death of their young daughter or other factors, it
became clear that things were not good between the couple and the marriage ended
when Beth left Carl for another man. The story goes that their daughter Catherine
was clinging to her mother's dress (apron) crying and begging her mother not to
go. It apparently did not do any good and the Carl and his daughter were left
to fend for themselves.
Carl would later marry Naomi Murray (Murry) (b.
1/17/1892). On September 5, 1915 Carl and Naomi had a daughter that they Named
Genevieve Mae. She was born in her Grandmother Catherine's house. The couple's
second child, a daughter named Geraldine, was born in 1918, but was ill and died
about a month after birth. In 1922 Carl and Naomi would have a son they named
Carl Travis Frederick, Jr. whom they called June for short. Genevieve
Frederick grew up in that small house just across the field from her Grandma Kate
(Catherine). The lane leading up to her grandmother's home was lined with trees
that provided pleasant shade in the daytime, but at night made for a scary stroll.
Genevieve recalls her grandmother, who lived alone, calling and asking her to
come over and spend the night. Genevieve would agree to go over, but only if her
grandmother would meet her halfway. Genevieve
and her grandmother were very close and spent a great deal of time together. Genevieve
recalls going into the forest with Grandma Kate to find and cut pieces of grapevine
that they would take back to the house and smoke like cigars. When Genevieve went
to school and repeated a riddle that her grandmother told her, her schoolteacher
was taken aback. Genevieve
attended the Catt School, a one-room schoolhouse. Sometimes she walked, other
times she took the bus, a horse drawn wagon. As Genevieve describes it, the school
was located down past her grandmother's house on the other side of a creek. A
log was placed across the creek and a wire suspended overhead to give the children
something to hold onto as they crossed makeshift bridge. When
Genevieve was just nine-years-old she was caught in one of the worst storms ever
to thunder across the Midwest. On March 18, 1925 the great Tri-State Tornado left
a swath of death and destruction across Missouri, Illinois and Indiana. Genevieve's
teacher must have suspected something was wrong when the skies turned the strangest
colors that afternoon. Little did they know that a massive tornado was coming
right for them. The deadly storm started about 1 p.m. near Ellington, Missouri
and then raced across southern Illinois. By 2:30 p.m. the tiny town of Gorham
was blown away. The terrible twister tore a mile wide path of destruction through
Murphysboro and West Frankfort. Genevieve's teacher wisely decided to send the
children home early from school that day. The children piled onto the wagon and
the driver pushed the two-horse team to race the children home. Genevieve recalls
that she had never seen the horses go so fast. The tornado crossed the Wabash
River near Griffin, Indiana. Genevieve arrived home just as the worst of the storm
hit. The driver of the wagon and the children took shelter in a nearby barn. Genevieve
says that she never saw the tornado but remembers it being a very bad storm with
high winds, rain and hail. She would later learn that the huge tornado had caused
damage in nearby Princeton before dissipating not far from her home. When it was
over, 695 people were killed, 600 in southern Illinois and another 71 in Indiana.
Property damage topped $16 million, most of that from the devastation in Murphysboro,
Illinois. Life
in rural southwestern Indiana was never easy, but Genevieve says they never went
hungry and if they were poor, no one knew it. She says the family never had much
money and most everything they wanted or needed came from trade in town or with
neighbors. It was common for each family to have pigs, a milking cow, chickens
and some crops. She recalls her father bringing home bags of flour from the mill
and stacking them by the back door, on a chair, to keep the mice out of it. Summers
were hot, and the flies were plentiful. In
the summer they would have a hired hand come and help her father in the fields.
Her mother would make their lunch each day, usually consisting of pork. She says
they when they would butcher a hog her mother would place chunks of meat in a
stone crock and then cover the meat with a layer of lard in order to preserve
the meat. When her mother would go to make the lunches she would reach down into
the crock, through the lard, and pull out the meat to make a sandwich. Genevieve
recalls how the big black flies would cover the screen door on the front of the
house. She says she can remember lying in bed at night and listening to her mother
swatting flies in the kitchen. In
the fall the neighbors would gather for the harvest and trade and share the fruits
of their long summer of work. Genevieve says that, as a child, this was about
the only time that they would have the opportunity to eat beef. Her family always
had a cow for milk but not for meat. At the harvest gathering some neighbors would
bring beef to trade or share. As
a little girl, Genevieve's constant companion was her doll, which she named Eloise.
Small treats were a big deal. Some of her favorite snacks were little sandwich
cookies, similar to Oreos. One day her mother brought home a small box of the
cookies. She says she was so excited because she had never seen so many cookies
before. She
does not remember the date, but it was when she was a young girl that she first
listened to a radio. A cousin from Vincennes brought over the radio receiver.
A wire was stretched from the tree limbs to act as an antenna and you had to wear
headphones to hear the signal. They
lived in a small, plank sided house just off the dirt road. The home consisted
of a kitchen, living room and bedroom. As a teenager, Genevieve would sleep in
the living room, her younger brother slept with her mother in one bed while her
father slept in another bed in the bedroom. She
says they had a phone when she was younger, and then went for a time without one,
but later it became a fixture in the home. Their phone was on a party line, and
she remembers calling the operator in Union to connect the calls. There
was no shortage of Fredericks in the area. If they could not call each other,
they stayed in touch by sending each other postcards. She recalls many cases where
folks knew or assumed that they were related, but were not entirely sure how.
Genevieve
and her friends would go the theater in Princeton on the weekends to watch movies.
She says they were always westerns. She says that one of the shop owners in town
would cover the cost of the ticket as a way to draw customers to his store.
On
New Year's Eve 1932, Genevieve, who was 17 at the time, was in town at Union with
her friend making plans to go to Petersburg to see the special midnight show.
When she called to ask her mother if she could go her mother said no. The family
had plans to go to a neighbor's house to play cards and make crackerjack. Genevieve
says that she stomped all the way home from Union. Once she got home, she asked
her mother if she could just stay there, and skip the social altogether. Her mother
would not allow her to stay home by herself, so Genevieve grudgingly went along.
When they arrived they found that there were four or five young people, including
a young man named Sam Moore and his cousin. Genevieve and another girl, who was
a year or two younger, got to talking about boys and the fact that if they were
going to keep up the leap year tradition of girls asking boys to marry them before
the year ended, then they had better get a move on. So that night, on their first
meeting, Genevieve asked Sam to marry him. She does not remember what he said,
but she said that he probably thought she was crazy. Three years later they were
married at a parsonage in Petersburg, Indiana.
They would have four children,
David, Richard, Joye and Brent.
Genvieve's brother Carl, or June as he
was known, married Connie Tevebaugh, joining two families that had been living
in the same area in Pennsylvania (Virginia) and Indiana since the late 1700s.
The Tevebaugh family is among those listed in the 1781 petition complaining about
conditions under Colonel Broadhead at Fort Pitt. It is interesting to note that
while she went by the name Connie, her real name was Cornelius. As the story goes,
her father wanted a boy and Cornelius was a name that had been passed down through
the Tevebaugh family. When a daughter was born, he named her Cornelius, something
she understandably hated. As a result, she would be known as Connie for the rest
of her life. June and Connie had two children Dale and Judy, neither would have
children. Catherine
Frederick, the mother of Carl Frederick died on March 20, 1950 at the age of 94.
Through her long life, and close relationship with her granddaughter Genevieve
so much family history has been preserved in stories, photos and mementoes. Genevieve's
mother Naomi (Murray) Frederick died on January 15, 1967. Her father, Carl Travis
Frederick, lived in that same three room house in Indiana until his death at age
87 on June 6, 1971.
Important families... Lindy Another
family that has interesting links to the Fredericks is the Lindy family. We begin
with Frederick Lindy, Sr. Lindy was a Hessian, a member of the German army hired
by the British to help in the fight against the Americans. Lindy might have arrived
in the Carolinas and fought in a five daylong battle near Charleston. He was reportedly
taken prisoner and held in a basement of a mansion on Battery Row. While in captivity
he apparently had a change of heart and loyalty and decided to switch sides and
fight with the Americans. He lived in what is now South Carolina and served with
the Pennsylvania Continental Line and the Pennsylvania Militia. He was paid and
mustered out of Fort Pitt. Lindy
was married to Catherine and their children were named Catherine, Charity, Abigail
(d. 1849), Margaret and Frederick. All of the children are recorded as having
been born in Pennsylvania. The
Lindy's were in Vincennes, Indiana in 1802 as Frederick Lindy purchased 200 acres
at location 9 from Touisssant Du Bois. According
to one account, Lindy never felt he was free until after 1812 when the land office
opened in Vincennes. He drew #57 of the Vincennes district land. He
apparently was good with his hands, as he apparently developed quite the reputation
as a cabin builder. He is said to have built as many as five cabins. Tevebaugh
The
German family, the Tevebaughs, have marital and military connections to the Fredericks.
Captain Jacob Tevebaugh was commander over privates Sebastian Frederick (Bastian's
son) and Phillip "Scratch" Catt at Fort Pitt. This comes from Catt's
testimony at the pension hearing for Sebastian's widow. Jacob
Tevebaugh (1740-1815) was married to a woman named Mary about 1764. The couple
had eleven children Jacob, Solomon, George, Mary, Abraham, Barbara, Mercy / Massey,
Jacob, Nimrod and Drucilla "Drucy". Tevebaugh served as Captain of a
Revolutionary War Company that is known to have marched to the Sandusky Plains.
He served in Washington County, Pennsylvania under Capt. Zadoc Wright, 1782, and
Capt. Samuel Cunnington, 1782. Tevebaugh may have been with the Catts in what
is now Hardy County, West Virginia, and then went to the Pittsburgh area before
making the trip to Indiana with the Fredericks and others. When he left the Pittsburgh
area he sold his land to Jacob Bausman, a prominent German, ferry operator and
a neighbor of the Fredericks. Jacob's son Solomon Tevebaugh was one of the first
settlers of Knox County, Indiana in 1795. Lieutenant
Jacob Tevebaugh is listed among the Revolutionary War veterans buried in Knox
County. Years later Connie Tevebaugh (her real name was Cornelius) married Carl
Travis Frederick, Jr. the great-great-great-great grandson of Bastian Frederick.
Carl and Connie had two children, but no grandchildren.
Last updates 11/15/04
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